The original letter from Balfour to Rothschild; the declaration reads: Published in 1732, this map by Ottoman geographer. [238] In addition to its publication in major newspapers, leaflets were circulated throughout Jewish communities. Balfour Declaration . It's not on the coast, but farther inland the climate becomes excellent even for Europeans… [a]nd I thought to myself that would be a land for Dr. The second half of the declaration was added to satisfy opponents of the policy, who had claimed that it would otherwise prejudice the position of the local population of Palestine and encourage antisemitism worldwide by "stamping the Jews as strangers in their native lands". [78][81] On 3 March, while Sykes and Picot were still in Petrograd, Lucien Wolf (secretary of the Foreign Conjoint Committee, set up by Jewish organizations to further the interests of foreign Jews) submitted to the Foreign Office, the draft of an assurance (formula) that could be issued by the allies in support of Jewish aspirations: In the event of Palestine coming within the spheres of influence of Great Britain or France at the close of the war, the governments of those powers will not fail to take account of the historic interest that country possesses for the Jewish community. One territorialist claimed that Ussishkin's voting bloc had in fact "buried political Zionism". However, we insisted on: national character of Charter, freedom of immigration and internal autonomy, and at the same time full rights of citizenship to [illegible] and Jews in Palestine. [113] Before travelling to the Middle East, Picot, via Sykes, invited Nahum Sokolow to Paris to educate the French government on Zionism. Undone by the complexities of wartime diplomacy, unable to bridge the gap with either of the interested parties, the Declaration impaired their relations with both Palestinian Arabs and Zionists. [189] In January 1930, Haidar wrote to a newspaper in Baghdad that Faisal: "finds it exceedingly strange that such a matter is attributed to him as he at no time would consider allowing any foreign nation to share in an Arab country". [191] [ab], Referring to his 1922 White Paper, Churchill later wrote that "there is nothing in it to prohibit the ultimate establishment of a Jewish State. In March 1924, having briefly considered the possibility of removing the offending article from the treaty, the government suspended any further negotiations;[264] within six months they withdrew their support in favour of their central Arabian ally Ibn Saud, who proceeded to conquer Hussein's kingdom. [57][56] Seventeen years later, in his War Memoirs, Lloyd George described these meetings as being the "fount and origin" of the declaration; historians have rejected this claim. The first of these was the indirect peace negotiations which took place between Britain and the Ottomans in December 1917 and January 1918 during a pause in the hostilities for the rainy season;[293] although these peace talks were unsuccessful, archival records suggest that key members of the War Cabinet may have been willing to permit leaving Palestine under nominal Turkish sovereignty as part of an overall deal. [xxiv], The statement that such a homeland would be found "in Palestine" rather than "of Palestine" was also deliberate. The Colonial Office and Palestine, 1921-23", "Jewish Identity and the Competing National Projects in the Western Balkans (1848–1929)", "The Future of Palestine, GT 2406, CAB 24/30/6", United Nations Division for Palestinian Rights, "United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, Report to the General Assembly, Volume 1; A/364", UK Commons 2017 Centennial Debate on the Balfour Declaration, The Guardian: The contested centenary of Britain's 'calamitous promise', Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry Report, Statement of Information Relating to Acts of Violence, United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, American trusteeship proposal for Palestine, Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command, UN General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 194, UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 242, Women's International Zionist Organization, Hadassah Women's Zionist Organization of America, International Fellowship of Christians and Jews, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Balfour_Declaration&oldid=1020547177, Government documents of the United Kingdom, Short description is different from Wikidata, Wikipedia extended-confirmed-protected pages, Pages using multiple image with manual scaled images, Wikipedia articles needing page number citations from September 2020, Wikipedia articles with SUDOC identifiers, Wikipedia articles with WorldCat-VIAF identifiers, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License. [203] Following the end of the war, three documents – the declaration, the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot Agreement – became the basis for the negotiations to set the boundaries of Palestine. [331] Danny Gutwein, Professor of Jewish History at the University of Haifa, proposes a twist on an old idea, asserting that Sykes's February 1917 approach to the Zionists was the defining moment, and that it was consistent with the pursuit of the government's wider agenda to partition the Ottoman Empire. The ostensible grounds of attack are threefold:(1) the alleged violation of the McMahon pledges; (2) the injustice of imposing upon a country a policy to which the great majority of its inhabitants are opposed; and (3) the financial burden upon the British taxpayer ...[307], His covering note asked for a statement of policy to be made as soon as possible and that the cabinet ought to focus on three questions: (1) whether or not pledges to the Arabs conflict with the Balfour declaration; (2) if not, whether the new government should continue the policy set down by the old government in the 1922 White Paper; and (3) if not, what alternative policy should be adopted.[151]. Principal protagonists' perspectives on the 1939 White Paper: The British, paragraph 6 of the White Paper: "His Majesty's Government adhere to this interpretation of the Declaration of 1917 and regard it as an authoritative and comprehensive description of the character of the Jewish National Home in Palestine. This article was most recently revised and updated by, https://www.britannica.com/event/Balfour-Declaration, History Learning Site - The Balfour Declaration of 1917, Arthur James Balfour, 1st earl of Balfour, Lionel Walter Rothschild, 2nd Baron Rothschild. [244][245] It was intended to be a model settlement for future American Jewish activity in Palestine. "[192] And in private, many British officials agreed with the Zionists' interpretation that a state would be established when a Jewish majority was achieved. [282] He points to an organized pro-Zionist lobby in the United States, which was active at a time when the country's small Arab American community had little political power. Prior to this point, no active negotiations with Zionists had taken place, but Sykes had been aware of Zionism, was in contact with Moses Gaster – a former President of the English Zionist Federation[80] – and may have seen Samuel's 1915 memorandum. S'ils veulent constituer un Etat et revendiquer des droits souveraigns dans cette region je prevois de tres graves dangers. The declaration was contained in a letter dated 2 November 1917 from the United Kingdom's Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour to Lord Rothschild, a leader of the British Jewish community, for transmission to the Zionist Federation of Great … [86], These wartime initiatives, inclusive of the declaration, are frequently considered together by historians because of the potential, real or imagined, for incompatibility between them, particularly in regard to the disposition of Palestine. Gelvin noted that "The British did not know quite what to make of President Woodrow Wilson and his conviction (before America's entrance into the war) that the way to end hostilities was for both sides to accept "peace without victory." Les Juifs étaient au nombre d'environ 50 000. Source :ynet.co.il [351][352] Whilst the British considered this consistent with the Balfour Declaration's commitment to protect the rights of non-Jews, many Zionists saw it as a repudiation of the declaration. By late 1917, in the lead up to the Balfour Declaration, the wider war had reached a stalemate, with two of Britain's allies not fully engaged: the United States had yet to suffer a casualty, and the Russians were in the midst of a revolution with Bolsheviks taking over the government. La déclaration a marqué une étape essentielle dans la renaissance de l’Etat hébreu qui a abouti en 1948 à la déclaration d’indépendance. Both the 'conquest of land' and the 'conquest of labor' slogans that became central to the dominant strain of Zionism in the Yishuv originated as a result of the Zionist confrontation with the Palestinian 'other'. On November 2, 1917, Arthur Balfour, the British foreign secretary, signed a letter that would change the face of the Middle East. The scheme, which had been proposed to Herzl by Joseph Chamberlain, Colonial Secretary in Balfour's Cabinet, following his trip to East Africa earlier in the year,[vii] had been subsequently voted down following Herzl's death by the Seventh Zionist Congress in 1905[viii] after two years of heated debate in the Zionist Organization. [j], This Anglo-French treaty was negotiated in late 1915 and early 1916 between Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot, with the primary arrangements being set out in draft form in a joint memorandum on 5 January 1916. The conclusion of the report, which was not published, mentioned the Balfour Declaration three times, stating that "the causes of the alienation and exasperation of the feelings of the population of Palestine" included: British public and government opinion became increasingly unfavourable to state support for Zionism; even Sykes had begun to change his views in late 1918. In this critical situation it was believed that Jewish sympathy or the reverse would make a substantial difference one way or the other to the Allied cause. "[88], In terms of British politics, the declaration resulted from the coming into power of Lloyd George and his Cabinet, which had replaced the H. H. Asquith led-Cabinet in December 1916. ", Churchill's letter to T.E. 1922 : la Société des nations entérine la déclaration de Balfour. Whilst both Prime Ministers were Liberals and both governments were wartime coalitions, Lloyd George and Balfour, appointed as his Foreign Secretary, favoured a post-war partition of the Ottoman Empire as a major British war aim, whereas Asquith and his Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, had favoured its reform. [87] Much of modern scholarship on the decision to issue the declaration focuses on the Zionist movement and rivalries within it,[331] with a key debate being whether the role of Weizmann was decisive or whether the British were likely to have issued a similar declaration in any event. American Emergency Committee for Zionist Affairs, Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland, a memorandum was circulated to the Cabinet, anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire, History of Palestine § Restoration of Ottoman control, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, King–Crane Commission of Enquiry consultation, "J'Accuse! According to his biographer he was interested enough in Zionism at the end of 1905 to allow his Jewish constituency party chairman, Charles Dreyfus, to organise a meeting with Weizmann. By providing, as one of the main obligations of the mandatory Power the facilitation of Jewish immigration, it conferred upon the Jews an opportunity, through large-scale immigration, to create eventually a Jewish State with a Jewish majority. To my mind the Zionists are now the key of the situation-the problem is how are they to be satisfied ?...." The conditions and forms of the internal autonomy and a Charter for the Jewish National Colonizing Corporation should, in the view of His Majesty's Government, be elaborated in detail and determined with the representatives of the Zionist Organization. On the Western Front the tide would first turn in favour of the Central Powers in spring 1918,[101] before decisively turning in favour of the Allies from July 1918 onwards. Balfour had just resigned as prime minister when he met Weizmann. Sykes had discussed the matter with Picot, suggesting the creation of an Arab Sultanate of Palestine under French and British protection; he was reprimanded by Grey, Buchanan should tell Sykes 'to obliterate from his memory that Mr Samuel's Cabinet memorandum made any mention of a British protectorate and that I told Mr Samuel at the time that a British protectorate was quite out of the question and Sir M. Sykes should never mention the subject without making this clear'. Millions of tons of British shipping had been sunk by German submarines. [330] Shlaim states that Stein does not reach any clear cut conclusions, but that implicit in his narrative is that the declaration resulted primarily from the activity and skill of the Zionists, whereas according to Vereté, it was the work of hard-headed pragmatists motivated by British imperial interests in the Middle East. [10] With the geopolitical shakeup occasioned by the outbreak of the First World War, the earlier calculations, which had lapsed for some time, led to a renewal of strategic assessments and political bargaining over the Middle and Far East. Sykes' official memorandum providing feedback on the meeting recorded the following: Ce sentiment de respect pour les autres religions dicte mon opinion touchant la Palestine, notre voisine. Lawrence, whereby they would try to establish a peaceful relationship between Arabs and Jews in Palestine. A Palestinian court in the West Bank city of Nablus held a session on Monday to look into a lawsuit against the British government over the 1917 Balfour Declaration. "; The Zionists, Response Statement by the Jewish Agency: "The new policy for Palestine laid down by the Mandatory in the White paper now issued denies to the Jewish people the right to rebuild their national home in their ancestral country ..."; Renton described this as follows: "A crucial aspect of this depiction of the Declaration as a product of British benevolence, as opposed to realpolitik, was that the British had a natural and deep-rooted concern for the rights of Jews and specifically their national restoration, which was an ingrained part of British culture and history. [xii][85] In the event, neither the French nor the Russians were enthusiastic about the proposed formulation and eventually on 4 July, Wolf was informed that "the present moment is inopportune for making any announcement." Please refer to the appropriate style manual or other sources if you have any questions. [xxv] The proposed draft of the declaration contained in Rothschild's 12 July letter to Balfour referred to the principle "that Palestine should be reconstituted as the National Home of the Jewish people. [87] In the words of Professor Albert Hourani, founder of the Middle East Centre at St Antony's College, Oxford: "The argument about the interpretation of these agreements is one which is impossible to end, because they were intended to bear more than one interpretation. This page was last edited on 29 April 2021, at 17:46. The memorandum stated: "I am assured that the solution of the problem of Palestine which would be much the most welcome to the leaders and supporters of the Zionist movement throughout the world would be the annexation of the country to the British Empire". The fact came out repeatedly in the Commission's conference with Jewish representatives, that the Zionists looked forward to a practically complete dispossession of the present non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine, by various forms of purchase. [65][h] In the decades after the war, the extent of this coastal exclusion was hotly disputed[67] since Palestine lay to the southwest of Damascus and was not explicitly mentioned. It would be perverse to judge Zionism as somehow less valid than European anti-Semitism or those nationalisms. ", With respect to European schemes to encourage Protestant, Catholic and Jewish immigration to Palestine, Schölch notes that "But of the many colonization projects and enterprises, only two had any success: the settlements of, LeVine and Mossberg describe this as follows: "The parents of Zionism were not Judaism and tradition, but anti-Semitism and nationalism. An official report to the War Cabinet sent by Sykes on 22 September said that the Zionists did not want "to set up a Jewish Republic or any other form of state in Palestine or in any part of Palestine" but rather preferred some form of protectorate as provided in the Palestine Mandate. [169] Indeed, the Inquiry spoke positively about the possibility of a Jewish state eventually being created in Palestine if the necessary demographics for this were to exist. [ar] Two years later, in his Memoirs of the Peace Conference,[as] Lloyd George described a total of nine factors motivating his decision as Prime Minister to release the declaration,[153] including the additional reasons that a Jewish presence in Palestine would strengthen Britain's position on the Suez Canal and reinforce the route to their imperial dominion in India. [340] The statement also had a significant impact on the traditional anti-Zionism of religious Jews, some of whom saw it as divine providence; this contributed to the growth of religious Zionism amid the larger Zionist movement. [266][267][268][269] The French and Italian governments offered their endorsements, on 14 February and 9 May 1918, respectively. [360], What exactly was in the minds of those who made the Balfour Declaration is speculative. [xxxviii] According to historian Elizabeth Monroe: "measured by British interests alone, [the declaration was] one of the greatest mistakes in [its] imperial history. What did come was the product of forces and factors entirely unforeseen. [af] The community also noted that there was no reference to protecting their "political status" or political rights, as there was in the subsequent safeguard relating to Jews in other countries. [324] In addition, the British intended to pre-empt the expected French pressure for an international administration in Palestine. The Italians had sustained a great defeat at Caporetto. [258] Hussein had also learned of the Sykes–Picot Agreement when it was leaked by the new Soviet government in December 1917, but was satisfied by two disingenuous messages from Sir Reginald Wingate, who had replaced McMahon as High Commissioner of Egypt, assuring him that the British commitments to the Arabs were still valid and that the Sykes–Picot Agreement was not a formal treaty. La Déclaration Balfour était une déclaration de 67 mots contenue dans une brève lettre attribuée à Lord Arthur Balfour, le ministre britannique des Affaires étrangères, datée du 2 novembre 1917. By signing up for this email, you are agreeing to news, offers, and information from Encyclopaedia Britannica. [vi] Earlier that year, Balfour had successfully driven the Aliens Act through Parliament with impassioned speeches regarding the need to restrict the wave of immigration into Britain from Jews fleeing the Russian Empire. The actual final draft had to be issued in the name of the Foreign Secretary, but the actual draftsman was Lord Milner. One aim of the Balfour Declaration was thus to freeze out France (and anyone else) from any post-war presence in Palestine. It was a victory for Zionists under the leadership of close advisers to the Wilson Administration, such as Brandeis and Frankfurter, against the desires of the bankers from Wall Street, the AJC, and the National Workers' Committee. The Balfour Declaration is widely seen as the precursor to the 1948 Palestinian Nakba when Zionist armed groups, who were trained by the British, … [119][xv] On 21 May 1917 Angelo Sereni, president of the Committee of the Jewish Communities,[s] presented Sokolow to Sidney Sonnino, the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs. The War Cabinet, reviewing this conference on 25 April, "inclined to the view that sooner or later the Sykes-Picot Agreement might have to be reconsidered ... No action should be taken at present in this matter". Balfour Declaration. [296] Following Bonar Law's appointment as Prime Minister in late 1922, Curzon wrote to Law that he regarded the declaration as "the worst" of Britain's Middle East commitments and "a striking contradiction of our publicly declared principles".[297]. Hence, Zionism was presented not just as the, Donald Lewis writes: "It is the contention of this work that only by understanding [Christian philosemitism and Christian Zionism] can one make sense of the religious and cultural influences that worked together to create a climate of opinion among the political elite in Britain that was well disposed to the Balfour Declaration. At this point I ventured to ask in which way the plans of Mr. Samuel were more ambitious than mine. [342][343][344] The "dual obligation" to the two communities quickly proved to be untenable;[345] the British subsequently concluded that it was impossible for them to pacify the two communities in Palestine by using different messages for different audiences. The term "national home" had no precedent in international law, and was intentionally vague as to whether a Jewish state was contemplated. [75] Picot was a French diplomat and former consul-general in Beirut. [216] Avi Shlaim considers this the declaration's "greatest contradiction". He sat up, looked at me, and answered: "But Dr. Weizmann, we have London." [317] The Palestine Royal Commission, appointed with significantly broader terms of reference than the previous British inquiries into Palestine,[317] completed its 404-page report after six months of work in June 1937, publishing it a month later.
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